廣告一則之心繫家國

最近在香港的電視播出的一則廣告﹐在報章和網上引起了廣泛的討論。這個具爭議性的廣告﹐是公民教育委員會拍攝的心繫家國宣傳短片。基於沒有看過就沒有資格批評的原則下﹐我特地上網找這段短片來一看。看罷第一個感覺就是想笑﹐這個廣告真的老土得要命。這個廣告的設計毫無美感可言﹐像是出自某個公務員的手筆﹐隨手的把一大堆新聞畫面﹐加上幾個唱歌的茄厘菲小朋友剪輯而成。簡直是對那四十五秒黃金時段廣告價錢的侮辱。

對於中國國歌歌詞不倫不類不合時宜的問題﹐我以前也批評了很多次﹐今次也就不再多說了。在愛國短片中播國歌本身算是恰當﹐但為什麼不把國歌重新編曲﹐起用歌星或者小朋友來唱﹐總好這個用了幾十年的合唱團唱腔吧。因應不同場合作出編不同的編曲﹐才能有效的配合當時的氣氛。國歌曲調雄壯適合在軍演或運動會上播出。去露營就要用民歌結他編曲。這則短片又不是要發動香港人去打仗保衛祖國﹐慷慨激昂是沒有必要的。可以考慮一下用舒情一點的調子﹐用鋼琴Jazz sound又好﹐用女樂的現代化中樂又好。香港人一向是對打仗反感﹐用一首以軍樂編曲的國歌去要香港人作出認同﹐不是很荒謬嗎﹖反而用標榜大城市現代人生活的編曲﹐就可以引起香港人的共鳴了。

竟然背景音樂已經無可避免地用國歌﹐畫面的風格構圖上就該下一點功夫。整體來說鏡頭之間沒有連貫性﹐取材雜亂無章兼過份重覆﹐完全不能清楚地表達主題﹐更枉論引起觀眾的愛國情懷了。
第一個鏡頭在長城放飛機不俗﹐長城一貫也是中國的標誌﹐正如香港的帆船一樣﹐放在片頭正明確的帶起主題。第二個鏡頭是木飛機變為珍寶客機﹐意念不錯但可以做得好些﹐若能向兩架飛機向同一方作交接效果會更好。第三個鏡頭是香港維港景色﹐很正路沒有什麼好批評之處﹐但接下來的四十秒就急轉直下﹐隨了間中有一兩個鏡頭可取外﹐就只讓餘人吃不消的硬銷手法。

要激發起觀眾愛國的感情﹐最重要是引起他們對國家的認同和共鳴。中國景色﹐奧運奪標和楊利偉上太空等﹐沒錯雖然是中國人的驕傲﹐但在短片中只像播歷史記錄片般﹐是沒法讓香港人感覺到切身的關係。要消除這個疏離感﹐就要在片段前後加插香港人如何與這些事件互動。若我是導演的話﹐我會在中國景色之前加上老師教授國學﹐學生神遊於中國的湖光山色歷史名勝。接著鏡頭一轉拍兩父子觀看星空﹐兒子夢想張來當太空人後﹐再播出火箭升空﹐楊利偉在太空無重的畫面。短片中的郭晶晶特寫鏡頭自然要保留﹐但開幕禮國家隊進場就可以免了。中國隊入球觀眾歡呼是很好的點子﹐但可惜拍攝角度好像戲院偷拍一樣。把現場觀眾轉換成在酒吧看電視直播的香港人﹐中國隊入球後鏡頭拉開﹐由電視直播的畫面轉向酒吧歡呼的觀眾﹐將會讓這個入球更加有感染力。

在短片中最令香港人反感的是﹐解放軍操演的那三組鏡頭﹐以及那些不斷重覆的搖旗畫面。自六四以來香港人對解放軍已有負面的印像﹐展示解放軍紀律嚴明勢力強大﹐反而會鈎起香港人下意識對屠城的恐懼。倒不如展示親民的一面﹐播解放軍在開放日與香港市民同樂﹐小孩和少女與軍人拍照留念﹐更能夠消除香港人對解放軍的疑慮。深受西放自由心個人主義薰荼的香港人﹐一向都鄙視中共發動群眾搖旗的文化。有組織性的搖旗是沒有獨立思考的表現﹐沒有獨立思考的人就只是一個奴隸。這幾組鏡頭就好像是說﹐中央要把共產黨的識形態強加於香港人身上﹐觀眾就自然會在外來壓力下﹐反射性的維護港英時代的香港價值。要香港人認同中國繼而愛國﹐是不應該指出香港和中國之間的差異﹐反而要集中指出香港和中國有什麼相同之處啊。

至於中學生唱國歌﹐茄厘菲扮香港人日常生活﹐臨尾小朋友升旗變警察升旗等﹐不過不失算是勉強合格。只是那些人的衣服打扮﹐怎樣看也像是自由行的大陸人﹐沒有地道香港人的感覺。

不過無論這個心繫家國的短片如何差也好﹐它總算達出色廣告的其中一個條件﹐就是引起了話題和令觀眾留下了印象﹐有點壞印象總比完全沒有印像好吧。

新奧運精神

二零零四的奧林匹亞運動會在雅典完滿閉幕了﹐今屈中國在奧運會上成績驕人﹐總共奪得了三十二面金牌。這幾天在網上不乏對中國奧運會成績的評論﹐當中外國的報章特別針對其中二項作出批評﹐
一就是中國金牌多集中在女子或冷門項目上﹐二就是中國特別熱中對獎牌追求

但我並不認同那些報章的觀點﹐我提出相反的意見﹐我認為參加奧運會運動是目的就是要贏﹐支持的理論請容我在文章下半部才慢慢例出來。

此要贏為前題底下﹐中國在奧運上項目發展上的策略就十分正確了。世界其他國家在女子項目上的水平﹐相對的比男子項目為低﹐在男女平等為前提的低下﹐男女子的金牌是有同樣的價值。而中國作為迎頭趕上的國家﹐在有限資源的情況下﹐自然應該把資源優先投資在最高回報的項目上。因此發展女子項目是必然合理的選擇。

也說說冷門熱門之分。不同的國家對冷熱有不同的看法﹐尤其在球類運動上。歐美等國家認為﹐足球籃球棒球等項目在自家流行﹐就一廂情願的以為全世界同 樣的流行。可不知在中國﹐乒乓球羽毛球排球等﹐才是熱目的流行項目呢。中國發展其實也是在國內流行的熱門運動啊。至於一些公認的熱門冷門之分﹐如田徑游泳 相對於跳水體操等﹐在金牌數目的成本效益之下﹐也是應該把資源投入在比較相容拿金牌的項目中。

當然我上面說的這些體育發展策略﹐只有參加奧運會是為了獎牌的前題之下才成立的。現在讓我肯定的確立這個前題吧。

奧運會一向有什麼公平競技﹐體育至上﹐至在參與等奧運精神。這個奧運精神是上一世紀﹐當奧運還只是業餘運動的歷史遺物。

自八五年洛杉磯奧運大改革後﹐奧運就已進化為專業運動﹐其性質已和NBA﹐NHL﹐歐洲足球聯賽接近。專業運動就是在為群眾提供體育娛樂的賺錢機器﹐和其他形式的娛樂﹐如電視電影唱片等沒有分別。專業的體育運動員﹐不過只是另一種式形存在真人騷演員。

這個名叫運動的真人騷有指定的規則﹐過常規則大多是公平的。公平主要是從可觀性作為考慮﹐但更多的規則只純綷令賽事更加刺激好看﹐(例如﹐排球取消了發球權﹐乒乓球板規格等)。同時這個騷的演員也會名成利就﹐除了演出費(體育項目本身的津貼和獎金)外﹐還有巨額的廣告贊助。

若NBA﹐NHL﹐足總聯賽的各球隊告訴你﹐他們不在乎拿冠軍的獎杯﹐只是為了參加比賽和其他球隊增加友誼﹐球迷觀眾不高喊退錢回水才怪。同樣的也是專業運動的奧運會﹐為什麼卻以爭取金牌為恥呢﹖

有些人或會反駁﹐說奧運會不是專業運動﹐但他們如何解釋奧委會的天文數字廣告和轉播合同﹐以及大部份參加奧運的運動員也是職業運動員的這個事實呢﹖

中國在奧運這個專業運動上投資了四億元(若沒有記錯數目的話)﹐平均每個國民花費一元也不到﹐但卻為十億人民帶來超過二個星期的娛樂﹐以投資金額相對於為人民帶來的歡樂﹐今屈奧運的投資真是物超所值了。

奧運金牌的啟示

現代奧運會除去了掛在門面﹐友誼友一公平競爭的口號後﹐內裏其實是國與國之間實力的比試。在經濟學人雜誌也在賽前﹐提出了用國家的經濟指標﹐作為預測奧運金牌數目的水晶球。

十六天的奧運終於完結了﹐預測的金牌數目也沒有很太的出入。明顯的憑著改革開放帶來的經濟成果﹐中國成為了今屈奧運的大贏家﹐總共拿了三十二面金牌﹐除了在金牌榜上輸給全球的唯一超級大國美國外﹐已隱在三甲的位置﹐有能力和俄羅斯爭一日之雄。

中國成績優異是意料中事﹐但更加有趣的數字﹐就是十五個前蘇聯的加盟共和國的金牌數字﹐加起來有四十四面之多﹐遠遠拋離美國的三十七面。在冷戰時代﹐蘇聯和美國在奧運會上爭過焦頭爛額﹐誰也勝不了誰。在蘇聯解體後短短十數年間﹐在體育成績的上就已經拋離美國。在經濟學上有一個說法﹐一個國家的主權是不可以有效率地無限擴大﹐當國家主權超過了某一個限度時﹐再擴張就會違反經濟成本。從前蘇聯的例子看來﹐把超大的統一國家進行和平分裂﹐把權力下放至地方政府﹐成為技術性獨立但緊密關係的次大國﹐更合乎經濟發展的利益。

反觀統一後的德國的金牌數目﹐就比統一前的東西德遜色很多了。可見大型國家的合併﹐和在市場上大型公司的合併一樣﹐失敗遠遠超出成功的例子。

看畢這些數據後我不禁想﹐若中國自願分拆為三四個大國的聯盟﹐會否更有利經濟發展﹖中國的經濟發展也快到了瓶頸的位置了﹐政治的改革中央把權力下放是唯一的出路﹐但中央有沒有決心把權力下放貫撤到底﹐成立類似前蘇聯共和國或歐盟般超越國家的上層架構呢﹖

想不到奧運金牌榜中﹐竟然會為台灣獨立﹐找到在經濟學上的支持。

淺論知識產權制度

這陣子論壇有關知識產權的討論好不熱鬧。從最初一個小小的問題﹐基督徒使用老翻是否罪﹐引來了好幾位網友 就這題目發表高意。看了一連幾星期的正反雙方的論點﹐也刺激起小弟平日懶躲的思維﹐認真的思考起知識產權的問題。小弟一向喜好研究知識產權的問題﹐已有好 些零碎的觀點在腦海中。就趁這個機會﹐讓小弟把思路整理好寫下來﹐和各路高人交流一下吧。

有關知識產權的討論﹐大多只集中表面的應用層面上的問題﹐例如翻版合不合法﹐商人有沒然足夠的利潤﹐窮人有沒有受不公平的待遇等等。而本篇文章﹐ 則是從根本的角度出發﹐去探討現行知識產權法例是否合理公平﹐以及如何改進知識產權法。文章的第一部份是先介定知識產權﹐以及指出知識的特性。第二部份則 是申論小弟對知識產權立法精神的意見。而第三部份則是基於第二部份的立論下﹐提出現存三種不同的知識產權(商標﹐專利﹐版權)的毛病和可行的改善方法。

知識和一般產權的分別

知識和一般產權的最大分別﹐就是在經濟學上知識是不折不扣的公用物品(public good) 。什麼是公用物品呢﹖學術上公用物品的定義是﹐該物品的邊際成本為零。簡單的說﹐生產一件公用物品﹐和生產一百件或一千件的成本是一樣的﹐物件而再多一個 人用﹐亦是不會影響原本使用該物件的人。因此公用物品的供應在物理層面是無限的﹐公用物品是不可能出現缺乏。

先舉些一般產權的例子﹐一個蘋果﹐若我吃了的話﹐你就不可吃。一間屋﹐若我住了的話﹐你就不可以再住﹐至少你再住進來是會影響到我。一架巴士﹐若 坐滿了的話﹐一個人坐了﹐就必定有另一個人不能坐。一間餐廳﹐在吃飯時間﹐就只能坐那麼多坐﹐煮那麼多菜﹐不可能招待無限個客人。一個醫生一天只有二十四 小時﹐只能看一定數目的病人。甚至一個公園一間公廁﹐多些人也是會對其他人帶來影響。因為一般產權(如商品﹐服務等) 的供應不是無限﹐在公平市場(fair market)底下, 其供求曲線是會有一個平衡點﹐而這個平衡點就是市場價格(market price)了。

現在舉一些知識的例子﹐你有一隻CD ﹐我借來抄﹐ (空白CD和抄碟機的價錢不計) ﹐基本上是不用成本的﹐而同時間你也沒有任何損失。因為我抄CD是不會影響你聽原本那一隻CD。在電腦下載一個軟件﹐除了電力和硬碟的空間外﹐也是不用任 何成本的﹐而下載的一方是不會影響被下載的一方使用該軟件。就算一門技術一門技能﹐你教懂了我後(教的時間不計) ﹐不是你就會忘記了那技術不能使用。換一句話說﹐在公平市場下﹐由於供應線是水平零﹐其供求平衡點只可能有一個數值﹐市場價格也就只可能是零了。

知識和一般產權還有一樣重大的分別﹐就是知識是不可能獨佔擁有﹐亦不可能從已擁有的人手中取回。一件商品或服務的產權很容易介定﹐因為不論商品或 服務也是有形的﹐一件貨品可以用鎖鎖著﹐就算給偷了也可以去取回。一間餐廳一個公園可以請保安去防止別人進入。但知識是無形的﹐學了唱一首歌或一項新技能 後﹐是不可以把記憶洗掉﹐甚至理論上若背了一個軟件程式入腦﹐也沒有人可以阻止你把程式用零和一默把它出來。若有人告訴你﹐你腦中某些東西是屬於他的話﹐ 你不把他當瘋子才怪。而現今知識產權法例的詭異之處﹐正正說是把你腦中的東西有不屬於你的可能。而由於不能把那知識從你腦中洗掉﹐亦不可能防止你把知識應 用出來﹐就只好在你應用你腦中的東西後﹐向你收取罰款了。換一句話說政府用人為的手段限制知識供應﹐因此知識產權的定價就不是由公平市場的平衡點中得出來 了。讀者們要記緊一點﹐在討論知識產權時﹐千萬不要誤用供求定律。

說到這裏好些讀者會不禁想﹐若知識是無形無價的話﹐那知識產權到底是什麼呢﹖
這個問題就底待下一部份探討了。

知識產權的立法精神

知識是人類進步文明的基石﹐人類的知識固然越多越好﹐但同時間若只有知識的存在﹐而沒有人能使用那些知識的話﹐也是不會為人類帶來好處的。知識產權的立法精神﹐就是把人類知識使用度最大化﹐讓人類能更快更有效率的進步。

知識度最大化 = 知識總量 x 知識的使用量。

上一部份說出知識和一般產權的不同﹐但知識和一般產權還是有相同的地方﹐就是兩者也需要人去生產﹐也是同樣有固定成本的。但生產知識的固定成本還 是要有人來負擔的﹐為了鼓勵知識的生產以及讓生產的人收回成本以及利潤﹐知識產權法就介定知識是屬於生產的人﹐若其他人要使用該知識就必需要知識產權的持 有人同意。上一部份也說過﹐由於知識是不可能獨佔的﹐在其他人侵犯知識產權時﹐就只有在法律上提出訴訟﹐向侵犯者取回持權人的損失。

知識產權鼓勵了知識的生產﹐那知識的應用呢﹖正如第一段說過了﹐有知識沒有人用﹐正如有田沒有人耕一樣是浪費。沒有什麼比免費並公開的知識更能推 廣知識的應用了。所以知識產權是有時限的﹐過了時限那知識就是屬於全人類(public domain) ﹐每一個人也可以隨意使用﹐從而增加知識的使用量。

知識產權法的目的﹐就是平衡知識的生產和應用﹐從而達到最大化有全人類利益的目標。很多人討論知識產權法時﹐只從保障生產者的角度去看﹐而忘記了保障生產者利益根本只是一個手段﹐而不是知識產權立法的原意和目的。

接下來就是小弟就三種不同的知識產權提出的意見﹐歡迎大家指教指教。

商標 (Trademark)

商標的用途是用來幫助消費者分辨商品和品牌。商標是向政府負費註冊﹐一般商標的年期是五至十年不等(視國家而定)﹐也可以無限次續期。侵犯商標就 是別人企圖欺騙消費者﹐用假貨冒充正貨。其本上商標知識產權制度沒有什麼好批評的地方﹐誠信的現代資本主義金錢本位經濟系統的支柱﹐商標的設立﹐只是用來 加強生產商和消費者之間的誠信。商標隨了本身的文字或圖案外﹐還抱含了該商號產品的品質保證(goodwill)﹐是一個減少產物知訊交易費用的媒介。嚴 格來說商標和第一二部份中討論的知識產權性質不同﹐所以供求和應用的分析用不上﹐不過本文既然是談知識產權﹐也順帶題一下。

專利 (Patent)

版權 (Copyright)

未完待續

哲學功課﹕馬克思主義與勞工剝削 Marxism and Exploitation

這篇是我政治哲學課的第二篇功課﹐前後花了兩個星期寫了總共三份草稿。初稿給教授刪去了三份之一編幅﹐說我有一半的論點完全不著邊際﹐著我加強剩下那些論點的說服力﹐並何舉例子去解釋我自己以及馬克思主義者的論點。

這文章的內容是討論馬克思主義與勞工剝削﹐馬克思認為資本主義必然會導致勞工受到剝削﹐資本家搾取勞工的剩餘價值﹐所以應該要取消私有產權制度﹐把所有生產工具收歸國有。我這篇文章主要是題出相反意見﹐論證在自由市場下資本主義不一定剝削勞工﹐剩餘價值的出現是由於馬克思的經濟理論有錯誤﹐反而共產主義下必定會出現剝削勞工的情況。

Marxism and Exploitation

Introduction:
Most contemporary analytical Marxists reject the idea that communism is beyond justice. Therefore they take a different approach and develop a communist theory of justice based on the abolition of private property. Marxists think that “private ownership of the means of production should be abolished because it gives rise to the wage-labour relationship which is inherently unjust.”1 They base their arguments on the claims that the wage-labour relationship is inherently exploitative and inherently alienating. This paper will criticize and examine their exploitation argument. Kymlicka criticizes Marxism by arguing that “equalizing resources may be non-exploitative, even if some people work for others, and socializing resources may be exploitative”2. I am going to criticize the exploitation argument using an approach different from Kymlicka’s by showing there exists no exploitation in wage-labour relationship under private ownership of means of production in a modern capitalist economy. In this paper, I will first outline Marx’s views on exploitation. Then I will present the general argument of my anti-thesis. Then I will examine and evaluate some responses from the analytical Marxists against my criticism.

Definition of Exploitation:
Marxists claim that the private ownership and control of productive resources will lead to the exploitation of the worker by the capitalist conclusively since the wage-labour relationship licenses the buying and selling of labour. Exploitation in everyday use means “taking unfair advantage of someone” that normally relies on the under laying justice theory to judge what is unfair. It would be begging the question if Marxism builds the communist theory of justice without first defining what is unfair. Therefore Marxists use a technical definition of exploitation that “refers to the specific phenomenon of the capitalist extracting more value from the work’s labour than is paid back to the worker in return for that labour.”3 According to Marxists, the profit of capitalist comes from the forced transfer of “surplus value” from the worker to the capitalist. The argument is outlined as follows: 4

  1. The labourer is the only person who creates the product, that which has value
  2. The capitalist receives some of the value (surplus value) of the product

Therefore:

  1. The labourer receives less value than the value of what he creates
  2. The capitalist receives some of the value of what the labourer creates

Therefore

  1. The labourer is exploited by the capitalist

Example of Exploitation:
Let us illustrate the exploitation argument with the example outlined by Engels in the introduction of Marx’s article on Wage-Labor and Capital. 5 Workers sell their labour-power to the employers in exchange for wages. Assuming a worker gets a daily wage of 3 dollars from employer and he can finish one product per day. Assuming the raw materials and energy consumed to make one product costs 21 dollars. Therefore, the cost of production of the product is total 24 dollars. The capitalist sell the product for 27 dollars to his customers and received 3 dollars as profit. The price of the product is 27 dollars, out of which 21 dollars already exists before production begins. There the remaining 6 dollars, which have been added to the value of the raw material. According to premise 1, these 6 dollars can arise only from the labour-power added to the raw material by the worker. Therefore the value of a day of work of a worker would be equivalent to 6 dollars. Out of the 6 dollars value the worker created, the capitalist pays the worker 3 dollars as wages, and pocketed the remaining 3 dollars. In Marx words, the capitalist extracts 3 dollars of surplus value from the worker, hence the workers are exploited by the capitalist.

Objections:
My objection has two lines of argument: first, the transfer of surplus value, if that exists, is not necessarily exploitation and, secondly, there is, in fact, no surplus value in wage-labor relationship in a modern capitalist democratic society.

My first argument is that in a modern capitalist economy, the wage-labor relationship is based on contractual agreement. The work and the capitalist voluntarily form the employment contract. In the contract, the employer stated the term of employment including the working hours, wage and other benefits. By signing the employment contract, the worker agrees to accept the employment package in exchange for his work. The wage is determined by the invisible hand following the law of supply and demand, which is the fair market price of the labour-power and skills possessed by the worker. Kymlicka concluded that “there is nothing unjust about volunteering to contribute one’s labour to others”6, therefore only the forced transfer of surplus value is exploitative. In a modern capitalism economy, the workers have means to become a capitalist by acquiring the means of production. In other words, the workers are not forced to work for the capitalist. Therefore the voluntary nature of the employment contract between the worker and the capitalist renders the wage-labour relationship non-exploitative.

My second argument is that premise (1) in the exploitation argument is simply false. Premise (1) is based on false economic theory. The worker is not the only person who creates the product. The surplus value can be explained economically by two major factors. First, the management skills of the capitalist also contribute to the final value of the product. The product made by the worker is worth nothing without the capitalist to determine which product to make, which worker to hire, how to divide up works among workers, etc. The capitalist receives some of the value of the product for his value-added management service for the worker. Second, the productive resources are accumulated labour value owned by the capitalist. The worker cannot produce any product without using the productive resources of the capitalist. The surplus value can be explained as rents paid by the worker to the capitalist in exchange for the right to use the productive resources. Since premise (1) is rejected, premises (3) and (4) do not follow. The worker receives all the value of what he creates and the capitalist receives no value of what the worker creates. Since the capitalist extract no surplus value from the worker, the worker is not exploited by the capitalist.

Reponses from Marists:
In response to my first criticism, “most Marxists, therefore, add the proviso that the worker must be forced to work for the capitalist. Since workers do not in general own any productive assets, and can only earn a living by working for a propertied capitalist, most wage relationships fall under this proviso.” 7 This is a hidden necessary premise required for Marists’ exploitation argument in order to conclude wage-labour relationship is inherently unjust. Therefore we should add a new premise to the exploitation argument:

  2a. The workers are forced to work for the capitalist. 

This premise is an empirical statement and we can evaluate whether it is true or false in a modern capitalist economy. I am going to demonstrate that this statement is false in a modern capitalist economy, thus we should reject the exploitation argument. In addition, I am going to show that without premise 2, premise 2a alone is not a sufficient argument to conclude wage-labour relationship is exploitative.

In Marx’s days when capitalism was still in its early stage or in some third world countries new to capitalism, this premise may be true. However in today’s world of more advanced capitalism, notably in western countries with democracy, this statement is false.

Since the dawn of capitalism, skilled labourers are always short in demand. Especially those process creative talents and intellectual skills, which often requires years of educations to develop. Unlike unskilled labourers who are easy to replace, the skilled labourers can negotiate the best possible contract with the capitalist. The productive assets of the capitalist are worthless without skill labourers. In today’s world where capital is abundant but skilled labourers are scare, the skilled labourers have all the means to access the production resources. If they choose not to work for a capitalist, the financial system provides loans to the worker the necessary capitals to acquire the productive asserts to start his own production. There are many self-employed people and entrepreneurs prosper in the free market economy. None of the skilled labourers is forced to work for the capitalist. Rather they form a partnership with the capitalist that is mutually beneficial.

According to Marx, the definition of the capitalist is those who own the means of production and the definition of worker is those who sell their labour power and do not own the means of production. I would like to point out that according to this definition; almost everyone in modern western countries is a capitalist. The easy access to the equity market, mutual funds and registered retirement plans allows every worker to own a share in the means of production. Stock option or stock purchasing plans given to the employee turns many workers into joint owners of the company. It is almost impossible to imagine someone has his saving in non-capital investment in a modern capitalist society. Moreover, since the turn of the century, the digital revolution brings computers to almost every household. Even those who do not have any investments typically own a computer, which is a means of production. Therefore, a person who has a computer is essentially a capitalist. In fact, there are many successful capitalists, such as the founders of Yahoo, Google or Youtube, that started as college students own nothing but their computers. All the workers own some capital and this gives them the potential to be the next billionaire. Therefore it is not true that the workers are forced to work for the capitalist. They choose to work for the capitalist because they think working under a wage-labour relationship is better than starting their own business venture.

It is true that in many places, the unskilled workers are force to work for the capitalist in order to support a decent living. However, as long as the capitalist gives the worker all the value he produces, there is no exploitation in this forced work relationship. For example, if the worker can create 6 dollars of wealth in one day of work and the capitalist pay the worker 6 dollars of wages per day, then there is no transfer of surplus value from the worker to the capitalist. On the other hand, there are some other unskilled workers not hired by the capitalist because of abundant supply of unskilled workers. There is also no transfer of surplus value from the unemployed workers to the capitalist. Since, both premise 2 and 2a are required by the exploitation argument, it is exploitative only when there is a forced transfer of surplus value from the worker to capitalist. Therefore the unskilled workers are not exploited by capitalist if the profit of the capitalist is not surplus value as I had demonstrated in my second objection.

Marx also said that “workers are entitled to the product of their labour and it is the forced denial of that entitlement which renders capitalism unjust.”8 In other words, the government has no obligation to redistribute the social goods to the unskilled workers who cannot earn a decent living on his own. All social goods are product of labour entitled to someone else, namely the worker who produces the product originally. If a worker lacks the means to support himself if he chooses not to work for capitalist, it is exploitative to ask other people to provide him a decent living. In other words, it is not exploitative that the unskilled workers are force to work for the capitalist if it is the only way to provide them a decent living. Therefore, premise 2a alone is not a sufficient argument to conclude the wage-labour relationship is inherently unjust.

The Marxist may tempted to refute my previous argument saying that under socialism, there would be no capitalist, everyone would jointly own capital and the things produced, so that they are jointly entitled to whatever profits were made. Therefore the unskilled workers will not be forced to work for the capitalist and still able to earn a decent living.

I am going to demonstrate as long as the workers have skill difference and the means of production are scarce, exploitation will exist even the capital are socialized. Under capitalism, the right of usage of the means of production is implicitly come with the ownership of the means of production. Socializing the ownership of the means of production does not solve the problem which person has the right to use the means of production. One method to solve this problem is to distribute the usage among all the workers equally. For example, if there is one machine and two workers, each worker gets to use the machine half a day. Now, imagine the two workers have different skill level. The skilled worker can create 10 dollars worth of product in 1 day, and the unskilled worker can only create 2 dollars worth of product in 1 day. If we allow each worker use the machine half a day, the total wealth created in a day will be 6 dollars, which is not the most efficient use of the machine. Assuming both workers are rational and the skilled worker wanted to earn more money to have a better living. It makes economical sense for the skilled worker to make a mutually beneficial proposal to the unskilled worker. The skilled worker will pay the unskilled 2 dollars a day so that the skilled worker could use the machine for the whole day. The unskilled worker has no reason to object this proposal since it is considerably more than his current incoming and it is impossible for him to beat this amount even if he can use the machine for the whole day. In the end, the skilled worker works for a whole day and creates 10 dollars worth of product. He gave 2 dollars to the unskilled worker and keeps the remaining 8 dollars to himself. It seems that everyone is happy and the output is maximized. However, something is wrong in this picture. The unskilled worker does not produce anything yet he receives 2 dollars of income everyday. The skilled worker is forced to work half a day for unskilled because the skilled worker wants to have a better living. The skilled worker is the only person who creates the product, which that has value. The unskilled worker receives some of the value of the product. In other words, according to the exploitation argument, the skilled worker is exploited by the unskilled worker.

In response to my second criticism, the Marxists have no choice but accept the surplus value does not exist in modern capitalist economy with democracy. Instead they challenge the capitalist’s ownership of the capital and “scorned those who argued that capitalists acquire their property through conscientious savings, and he went on to show that ‘conquest, enslavement, robbery, murder, briefly force, play the great part’ in capital accumulation. This unjust initial accumulation undermines the risk argument, for even if capitalists are willing to take risks with their capital, it is not (morally speaking) their capital to take risk with. Workers might be willing to take the same risks as capitalists if they had any capital to take risks with” 9 Like the response to my first criticism, this is another hidden necessary premise, so we have to add a new premise to the argument:

  2b. All capitalists acquire and accumulate their capital unjustly. 

This premise has two parts. The first part is about how capitalist is initially acquired and the second part involves the reward of taking risk. I am going to show that capital in modern capitalism can be acquired justly and illustrate the Marxists’ idea of risk taking has logical fallacy.

In a modern capitalist economy, many capitalists indeed acquire their property through conscientious savings. Wealth is accumulated by creation of innovative technology or better process that reduces the cost of production. For example, a talented inventor builds a tool that allows him to produce products much more efficiently. Instead of selling the tool in exchange for personal property, he turns the tool into productive resources and hires workers to build products using his tools. The inventor has become a capitalist and he is entitled to own his capital justly. The richest capitalist in the world, Bill Gates, accumulated his wealth this way with series of inventions one after another. Workers working for him are considered having one of the best jobs in the world, sometimes even better than being a capitalist. Many of those workers have more than enough capital to start their own company, yet they still choose to engage in wage-labour relationship. In order to conclude wage-labour relationship is inherently unjust, Marxists have to show that all wage-labour involves exploitation, with no exception. As long as there are means for capitalist to accumulate capital justly, according to the considerations of liberty proposed by John Stuart Mill, we should allow the private ownership of property. The government should take precaution to ensure the capital is accumulated justly and punish those who acquire their wealth unjustly. Abolish the private ownership of capital because some capitalists acquired their wealth unjustly is like throwing the baby away with the bath water. It also infringes the liberty of the capitalists who acquire their wealth without exploitation. In a modern capitalist economy, there are thousands and thousands of examples that capital, which is accumulated labour-power, is justly owned by the capitalist. Therefore, the government should allow the private ownership of the means of production because premise 2b is false.

There is a difference between the willingness to take the risk and the return of taking the risk. Indeed, both worker and capitalist have the same willingness to take the risk. However due to the difference in skill or luck, the return of taking the risk is very difference. Two people may start with the same amount of money, taking the same amount of risk but may end up having different amounts of money. The one who made the right investment choices will be rewarded with more capital. Then he can use the capital to acquire further productive resources and become a more successful capitalist. The one who made the wrong investment choices will lose his money. He has to stay as a worker, work hard and save up enough initial capital to take another risk again. Workers who take the right risk can ascend to be a capitalist. Capitalists who take the wrong risk will fall back to be a worker. As long as there are healthy mobility between the worker class and the capitalist class, it is acceptable to have two difference classes in the society as reward for taking the right risk. Therefore premise 2b is false if some capitalists were once a worker who accumulates his wealth by taking the right risk. Again, we have thousands and thousands of examples in modern capitalist economy.

Conclusion:
In conclusion, I have successfully refuted the exploitation argument by showing that workers are not necessary forced to work for the capitalist under wage-labour relationship and surplus value do not exists, the workers retain all the value they created. I have considered some responses from the Marists, but they are failed to defend the argument from my criticism. Therefore, there is no inherent exploitation in wage-labor relationship, thus the private ownership of means of productions is not inherently unjust.